�In military terms, both conventional and non-conventional, we neither have the capability nor the intention to match China, force for force. These are indeed sobering thoughts and therefore our strategy to deal with China would need to be in consonance with these realities,� Indian Navy Chief, Admiral Suresh Mehta

�We would like to strengthen our relationship with China, we would like a partnership with them. We would like the present process, which has been initiated to settle our concerns or their concerns on the boundary issue,(to continue). We have evolved a methodology to take care of that. —- With China, we would continue this engagement for a cordial relationship, and we will work on that�. External Affairs Minister S.M.Krishna.

These two statements made in the last 24 hours by two key Indian voices relating to India-China relations, comes after the 13th round of border talks between India and China held here last week. Both these statements certainly would be seen in some quarters, especially the Indian strategic community as an admission of our weakness, both in terms of our military strength as well as our diplomatic position. The fact however remains that what the two have stated above is a reality, which one cannot run away from.

For the last nearly fifty years, Indo-Chinese relations has seen major ups and downs, with more downs than ups. However in the last nearly two decades, the tensions between the countries have considerably eased out, following the opening up of relations during the time of Rajiv Gandhi�s Prime Ministership, which was followed up by successive Prime Ministers.

Despite the apparent easing of tensions, and a vast improvement in bilateral economic relations as well as on many other fronts, the border dispute with China continues to fester. Interestingly even the latest round of talks held in New Delhi last week has not made much progress on this front. It was evident in the manner in which both sides spoke less about the border issue, which was the ostensible reason for the talks being held, and focussed more on other strategic issues. Like setting up of hotline between the Prime Ministers of the two countries as a confidence building measure, expanding bilateral trade which now has reached $ 54 billion, and so on.

The solution to border dispute however has proved elusive, though in recent times, the Chinese officials have been more forthcoming in trying to find a solution. In fact just over a week back, the Chinese Ambassador to India, Zhang Yan in an interview to the Chinese Xinhua news agency on the eve of the border talks exuded warmth and positiveness. � China and India should settle the existing border disputes properly, calling into play the greatest possible political wisdom. Despite the twists and turns in China-India ties and border disputes, the two countries share the same historical responsibilities of developing economies, improving people’s lives and safeguarding world peace and development, which requires them to properly handle existing problems with the utmost political wisdom�.

Why is it then such political wisdom is yet to dawn on both countries to settle the nearly century old dispute? To understand why this dispute has remained one for so long one has to understand the history, and how both countries view the issue.

As far as India is concerned, it has virtually umbilical relations with Tibet going back into centuries. There is even a link between the two countries which finds mention in the great epic Mahabharata. The history of Tibet has been one of bloody wars and feuds with the Chinese over the centuries going right back to the 6th and 7th century. In modern times, India has been a haven for the Tibetans, whenever they have found themselves at the receiving end of the Chinese. Everyone knows about the present Dalai Lama having made India his home and running the Tibetan Government in exile from Dharamshala, ever since 1959. But it is little known that he was not the first Dalai Lama to seek refuge in India. His predecessor, Thubten Gyatso, the 13th Dalai Lama, had moved to India between 1909 and 1912, when the Chinese forces invaded Tibet.

Ever since the present Dalai Lama made India his home, after then Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru, despite Chinese protests, allowed him and lakhs of followers to take refuge, in 1959, Tibet has been a prickly issue between the two countries.

Meanwhile as far as China is concerned, it cannot just give up its claim over certain parts, for historical reasons. What was south Tibet, the Tawang region in Arunachal Pradesh, was annexed into India by the drawing of Mcmohan Line by the British. How it came about itself is interesting. In 1914, Britain, China and Tibet held a tripartite convention, known as the Shimla convention. It was to discuss the status of Tibet, vis-�-vis China. However the negotiations broke down when Britain tried to divide Tibet into inner and outer Tibet. In the absence of Chinese approval however, British worked out a settlement with Tibet, in which about 9,000 sq.kms of southern Tibet, Tawang region was annexed into India, and a new boundary was drawn known as the Mcmohan line. Tibet agreed to it, as an act of defiance against China, but China had refused to be a party to it and ever since the dispute between India and China continues over the region.

It is in this background that China continues to claim Tawang as part of it, refusing to overlook the passage of time ever since it has been out of its control. Meanwhile India, which continues to maintain a nuanced position when it comes to Tibet, cannot just give up Arunachal Pradesh which is now without doubt an integral part of India.

Both sides meanwhile continue to assert that the relations between the two countries go beyond just the border issue. But the hostility which the hardliners on both sides of the border generate periodically does not seem to help matters. An article by a Chinese scholar, Zhan Lue, after the latest round of talks, is an indicator of the hostility which still exists. In the article published in China, he talks of how China should split India into 30 independent nation states, and recommends to start with helping groups like ULFA, as well as separatists in Tamil Nadu, Bengal and Kashmir. The suspicion in India about China�s interests in Nepal being primarily aimed at causing problems in India also does not help matters.

The long term international power games being played by the United States, is another factor which keeps India-China relations on tenterhooks, despite assertions from both sides publicly that US role is not a problem between them. US however do see China as a long term threat and is therefore suspected of promoting India in the recent past, to counter that threat. These suspicions provide fertile ground for Chinese hardliners like Zhan Lue to vitiate the atmosphere between the two Asian neighbours.